By Anton Latinga Owiny-Dollo Jr.
The ongoing land conflict involving the Balaalo cattle herders in Northern Uganda, particularly within the Acholi sub-region, has reignited national debates surrounding land ownership, constitutional rights, and interethnic coexistence. However, recent remarks by veteran journalist and political analyst Andrew Mwenda have drawn more controversy than clarity. His position raises critical concerns over whether he is providing objective analysis or subtly inciting ethnic tensions under the guise of promoting national unity.
In a panel discussion on UBC TV on Wednesday 25/06/2025, moderated by Timothy Nyangweso featuring Prof. Ogenga Latigo, Hon. Dr Kenneth Omona, and Kennedy Okello, Mwenda’s defence of the Balaalo was met with sharp criticism from the other two guest speakers except Kennedy Okello, as well as many in the Acholi community and beyond. His arguments, while couched in the language of constitutionalism and nationalism, appear to overlook the complex, historical, and cultural dynamics that underpin this sensitive issue.
Mwenda’s Position: Misguided or Malicious?
Mwenda presented several bold claims that sparked outrage. He asserted that all Ugandans have the constitutional right to acquire land and settle anywhere in the country, including the Acholi sub-region. According to him, the Balaalo have legally acquired land, either through rental or outright purchase and he claimed that during his frequent visits to Gen. Salim Saleh’s residence in Gulu, he has never encountered Acholi landowners who complained of land grabbing.
Further, Mwenda contended that opposition to the Balaalo is rooted in ethnic prejudice and tribalism. He dismissed the distinction between Balaalo and Acholi as a colonial invention, emphasising a shared national ancestry. He also cited the presence of Asians and whites owning land in Acholi without facing resistance is evidence that the outcry against the Balaalo is not about land but ethnicity.
While on the surface, these arguments may appear to champion national integration, they rest on selective evidence, historical inaccuracies, and a troubling disregard for the lived experiences of post-war communities in Northern Uganda.
The Real Issues Being Overlooked
- Post-War Land Disorientation
The LRA insurgency and the forced displacement of the Acholi people into Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps left vast stretches of land in Northern Uganda uncultivated and unattended for years. Upon returning home, many communities discovered that the boundaries of their ancestral lands were unclear and uncertain. Crucial knowledge of land demarcation, traditionally preserved by elders was lost due to the high mortality rate during the war years; Uganda’s average life expectancy in the early 2000s was a mere 47 years.
In this chaotic context, the land transactions that occurred were not acts of free and informed consent but rather often predatory dealings. Land was reportedly sold at prices as low as UGX 250,000 per acre, with land titles issued in as little as one week; raising serious doubts about the legality and transparency of such acquisitions. These were not standard legal transactions; they were exploitations of a people reeling from war and displacement.
- Selective Listening: Mwenda’s Urban Echo Chamber
Mwenda’s claim that he has not heard complaints from Acholi landowners lacks credibility due to the narrow scope of his engagements. His perspective appears to be shaped by conversations held at elite venues such as Purongo (Gen. Saleh’s residence), Acholi Inn, or Boma Hotel in Gulu, rather than in rural communities where the brunt of the conflict is felt. The genuine grievances lie in areas such as Okidi (Atiak), Got Jok (Lamwo), Got Okwara (Nwoya), and Lapul (Pader). To base an analysis on conversations held far from the epicentres of conflict is not only flawed but also disingenuous. - The Balaalo Are Not Innocent Settlers
Contrary to Mwenda’s depiction, numerous reports indicate that many Balaalo have engaged in harmful practices. These include fencing off sacred cultural sites in places like Atiak, obstructing community access to essential water sources, and participating in fraudulent land transactions, often marked by practices such as identical Local Council (LC) stamps appearing on multiple land transaction for the same piece of land.
Additionally, some of the Balaalo possess Identity Card from Rwanda and Burundi, raising legitimate concerns that the influx into Acholiland may involve individuals previously expelled from other regions, including Tanzania, Rwanda, and Uganda’s own Bunyoro (specifically, the Bulisa District), for similar patterns of conduct. - Distorting Unity: Weaponising Ethnic Comparisons
Mwenda’s challenge to the Baganda—asking whether they should then evict non-Baganda like himself from Buganda—misses the essence of the Acholi argument. He attempts to draw a parallel between peaceful interethnic coexistence and what is perceived in Acholi as fraudulent land encroachment. This false equivalence risks inflaming inter-ethnic tensions rather than promoting understanding.
Such rhetoric does not foster national unity; instead, it risks legitimising land grabbing under the pretext of constitutionalism and dismisses legitimate, culturally rooted resistance as tribalism. This form of argumentation is divisive rather than reconciliatory. Acholi Hospitality vs. Exploitation
The Acholi people have a well-established reputation for hospitality. Acholi Quarters in Kireka stands as a testament to their openness, where Acholi live harmoniously with Baganda and other ethnic groups. Interethnic bonds are further exemplified in cultural settings such as a Muganda drummer performing on the main drum (Min Bul) in the Acholi dance group Akem Kwene.
Furthermore, the Acholi tradition of naming children after individuals from other ethnic groups who have shown kindness—names such as Kagwa, Katabarwa, and Byaruhanga—demonstrates their inclusive worldview. However, hospitality should not be mistaken for weakness or acquiescence. Defending ancestral lands and demanding justice are not acts of tribalism; they are expressions of survival, dignity, and heritage preservation.
A Better Way Forward
The call from Acholi leaders for Balaalo to go is not for ethnic exclusion but for a fair, transparent, and culturally respectful resolution to the land conflict. Proposals such as those by Dr Kenneth Omona—to first withdraw Balaalo livestock and then verify the legality of land claims—mirror traditional Acholi customs. In Acholi tradition, when a girl elopes, she is returned to her family before formal marriage negotiations can proceed.
Conclusion: Who Is Truly Inciting Ethnic Division?
While Mwenda accuses Acholi leaders of ethicising the Balaalo issue, his interventions may be doing more to inflame tensions. By ignoring well-documented evidence of land fraud, belittling community testimonies, equating criminal encroachment with constitutional freedom, and drawing inflammatory comparisons across ethnic lines, Mwenda risks deepening divisions in a nation still healing from historical wounds.
Demanding accountability in land governance is not a form of tribalism. Protecting cultural and historical spaces is not xenophobia. Celebrating elite deals in the capital while disregarding grassroot voices is not a form of nationalism.
The Balaalo issue is far more than a dispute over cattle and property; it is a question of dignity, justice, and the right of a people to recover and thrive in the aftermath of devastation.
Recommendations
To resolve the Balaalo land conflict in Northern Uganda, the government should continue withdrawing Balaalo livestock from contested areas to restore peace. All land transactions must be halted until thorough verification is completed. A long-overdue livestock compensation scheme should be launched to support affected Acholi communities. Finally, a national dialogue on land justice, free from political and elite interference must be initiated, centring the voices of the marginalised. These steps aim to ensure fairness, restore dignity, and promote lasting coexistence in post-conflict regions.
The author is a Mental Health Clinician and Social Justice Advocate
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